During the year, the Beslan theme appeared in the political discussions occasionally, however the tragedy gradually moved to the background. The approaching of the anniversary made the political players recall it. This date seriously damaged Vladimir Putin’s image. Shortly after the tragedy, the theme of the probable guilt of the President for it was not the central one, however, it became one of the main ones as soon as September 1 2005 came. The newsmaker in this case were the representatives of the ‘Mothers of Beslan’, who openly blamed Vladimir Putin for inaction and ineffective country management. Beslan became one of the most painful themes for the President and nearly became one of the reasons for the discontent with the power in the Caucuses.
Vladimir Putin invited the Mothers of Beslan on a meeting on September 2, which was negatively met by the parents of the victims: September 1-3 are the days of mourning for them, and they wanted to stay close to the graves of their children instead of flying to Moscow to meet with the head of state. The public consent of the Mothers of Beslan to take part in the meeting with the President was followed by the tough criticism against Vladimir Putin. The idea of the meeting on September 2 is disputable in itself. It seems that the technologists of the Presidential Administration that were responsible for organizing this event gave a dangerous piece of advice to the President. Vladimir Putin could not refuse from or put off the meeting, but the negative wane that followed the event neared to the critical point.
Vladimir Putin fought to improve his rating throughout August. He flew TU-160 bomber, took part in maneuvers. After all this, the anniversary of the Beslan tragedy hurts his positions hard. The opposition politicians have already assumed the negative attitude to the President of the Mothers of Beslan as a weapon. The President, however, has nothing to respond, because he does not take part in public discussion on this issue due to the lack of arguments to support his defense. Especially that the investigations of the tragedy reasons did not lead to any significant results and were followed by scandals. The official propaganda does not give answers to the desperate urges from the victims.
The Beslan theme is emotionally perceived by the population, the parents of the killed kids are understandable and evoke compassion. As a result, the theses set forth by the Mothers of Beslan are absorbed fast and prop the social discontent stirred up by the compensation reform and other recent social reforms. The attempt to change the situation for better yields no effect. In the current conditions, the power needs to work out a fully-fledged strategy to minimize various negative leads.
The turning point for the youth sector of the political system might be the attack on NBP activists that took place August 29. NBP members took part as guards in the gathering of the leftist organizations in the KPRF office. They were attacked by people armed with traumatic pistols and baseball bats. The oppositionists blamed Nashi for the attack. Indirect evidence shows that the oppositionists are right (the attackers were released from the investigation ward very fast, the launch of a criminal case was under discussion for several days, according to the mass media, the attackers were the members of a football team fans that were linked with Nashi). The action on August 29 was not the first attack on NBP, there were two similar cases before. At that, the figurants of all the cases are the same.
The beginning of physical collisions between the youth movements is favorable for the Presidential Administration’s technologists that are responsible for the youth segment. Now they have proof that the youth is a highly conflict and dangerous force. There is chance thus to interpret the attack on the leftists for the President as a street fight between the radical youth opposition movements. In this case, Vladimir Putin will have to expand the number of resources allotted for the development of the youth movements. PA technologists are currently the only power managers in this field. That is why activization of the youth policy will fortify the positions of the non-siloviki part of the PA.
The rivalry for leadership in the rightist wing did not become a sufficient stimulus for Mikhail Kasyanov to unravel a more rigid informational campaign against the power. He is a cautious official, who is trying to secure his positions and attempts only well elaborated steps. Mikhail Kasyanov used the same strategy in the political struggle. Mikhail Khodorkovsky’s interference made the former premier stir up and return to Russia. At that, it is noticeable by the actions of Kasyanov that he is trying to seize the initiative form Khodorkovsky.
At the beginning of August, Khodorkovsky claimed that he was ready to run for the by-election to the State Duma for the University District of Moscow. On August 31, he confirmed his will, after which an initiative group to back his nomination created. However, Khodorkovsky might have no legal opportunity even to register as a candidate for a deputy seat: the examination of his appeal to the Moscow City Court was accelerated; however, Mikhail Kasyanov claimed that in case Khodorkovsky fails to become a candidate, the former premier was ready to replace him. It is logical that in this case the initiative group of the rightists that was created to back Khodorkovsky will be forced to support another rightist candidate, or the inside conflicts of the rightist wing will become too apparent, which is undesirable since the rightists are attempting unification. The University District is interesting because of several facts: the electoral image of the district can be characterized as strongly pronounced rightist. Due to the general rightist orientation of the University District electorate, Kasyanov has all the chances to become a State Duma deputy.
The administrative reform gave the business representatives an opportunity to try their hand at officials work. Oleg Mitvol undertook this experiment. Before the bureaucrat career he managed to obtain great experience in the business field and make a showing of a successful manager. Now he has taken the place of Deputy Director of the Federal Service for Supervision over Nature Management under the Ministry of Natural Resource.
The biggest resource of Mitvol is the opportunity to organize powerful informational campaign to promote himself. He constantly initiates new check-ups pf the nature management laws observation in various spheres. All his statements are image oriented. The majority of initiatives did not go further than the loud statements and several trips with journalists to the objects, where nature management law was violated. On August 30, Mitvol raided yacht clubs, where he disclosed several violations. Mitvol’s assistants are currently preparing materials for the ‘Water Prosecutor Office’ that, according to the official, should close several objects.
The yacht clubs affair should fix Mitvol’s image as of the fighter for justice and the man, who fears no one. Yachting is the hobby of the Russian elite. Thus, Mitvol risks facing a response challenge from the high ranked yachting amateurs.
Large actions imply two main goals for Mitvol: to show his effectiveness as a political manager and find shelter as a businessman. The first goal means that he wants to obtain positional advancement as the fighter for the law obedience. The second goal explains his choice of activity as the large official.
The position of the businesses during the entire presidency of Vladimir Putin continues to be dangerous. Each entrepreneur seeks the ways to find shelter. Oleg Mitvol was the manager that seized enterprises in the interests of the large businessmen for a long time. He managed to achieve success in this quality. He had favorable relations with the State Duma Deputy Oleg Savchenko, who actively expanded into different spheres. Mitvol found many enemies that wanted his trouble. All this shows that securing his safety is one of his priority goals. Large actions and the image of a fighter for justice should help Oleg Mitvol in case of pressure on his business by the power. He can claim, as in the case with New Izvestiya, that he is prosecuted for his incorruptibility. As a result, such attempts will be complicated.
